Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 417

Chapter 417: Chapter 104: Clearing The Emperor’s Side
 

The Russian-Austrian relations had taken a turn, quickly triggering a chain reaction in politics, and the London Government could finally sleep with peace of mind.

An alliance without contradictions is terrifying, but one full of contradictions is not worth worrying about.

Now with the relationship between the two countries turning cold, the Vienna Government’s support for the Russians would definitely be discounted, which is exactly what the London Government wanted.

Other issues could be deferred, but the Russian threat to India had to be resolved immediately.

The British still vividly remembered the great Indian uprising a few years ago. It was the covert support from the Russians that cost the London Government hundreds of millions of British Ponds in military expenses.

Who could bear it if this hidden danger was not resolved and flared up every now and then?

What India lacked the least was people, and it had plenty of social contradictions. As long as someone fanned the flames, the outbreak of rebellions was as common as a meal.

The best solution was to isolate India from other countries. Small countries didn’t matter, as they had neither the guts nor the strength to make trouble. Great powers were different, however.

Especially concerning the Russia, France, and Austria trio, which were the focus of the London Government’s vigilant defense. Now, with neither France nor Austria showing interest in India, it was only the Russians who had shown interest, and the London Government naturally wanted to quash the Tsarist Government’s aspirations.

Independence for the Central Asian region was the best option, leaving a buffer zone to fend off enemies beyond the nation’s borders. Even if a conflict between England and Russia occurred, it would be in Central Asia, and the destruction of Central Asia wouldn’t distress the London Government.

On the current four fronts, the London Government’s greatest support was for Central Asia, as dispatching mercenaries themselves to the battlefield was telling enough.

At 10 Downing Street, Foreign Minister Reslin reported, “There were no surprises, the negotiations failed, and the Russians were not willing to make any concessions. Their final offer was to restore the status quo ante.

This is unacceptable to our friends; the Prussians have made territorial demands on the Lithuanian Region while also calling for Polish independence.

The Ottomans want to reclaim Constantinople, and it is said they are also negotiating with Austria to redeem some territories on the Balkan Peninsula.

The Vienna Government hasn’t refused outright; it’s just that the price has not been agreed upon. If the Ottoman Empire takes back Constantinople, then buying back the Dardanelles Strait shouldn’t be too difficult, as Austria seems to lack interest in the Black Sea.

The Eastern Empire’s delegates hope to reclaim Xinjiang and the Far East, and currently, they are doing well in Xinjiang, reportedly with the old General marching to war with his coffin in tow.

The Central Asian region is somewhat chaotic. It’s too difficult to coordinate several Khanates to fight together, but their hatred for the Russians is commendable.

Our friends’ will to fight is still relatively firm, and overall, the situation on the battlefield is in our favor.

Recently, a shift occurred in the Russian-Austrian relations; it seems Alexander II threw a childish temper tantrum. Under the influence of capitalists, the Tsarist Government raised tariffs on Austria, sparking a trade war.

The Austrians retaliated by increasing the prices of export goods, by about fifty percent, and for some goods, by even one hundred percent.

If there are no surprises, Austria’s support for the Russians in the upcoming war will further diminish. The Russians will not have an opportunity to walk away scot-free this time.”

These conditions were clearly not acceptable to the Tsarist Government. Otherwise, the Russian Empire would instantly be reduced in size, especially with no room for negotiation regarding Constantinople.

The cooling of Russian-Austrian relations was a maneuver orchestrated by the London Government. Every conflict is the accumulation of many smaller issues, and there were those within the Tsarist Government who felt that allying with Austria was a disadvantage, just as there were such individuals within the Vienna Government.

Against this backdrop, with the British stirring the pot, seemingly minor disputes were infinitely magnified.

By the time Franz became aware of it, he was powerless to do anything, merely allowing the deterioration of the relationship between the two countries to continue. The same was true for Alexander II, who, even upon realizing the situation, was unable to prevent it.

Beyond interests, everyone had their pride to uphold. The benefits brought by the Russian-Austrian Alliance were no longer sufficient to compel them to quell the discord.

Neither of the assertive emperors was willing to give ground, and as matters escalated, it was only when the repercussions burst forth that both sides would begin to value the alliance anew.

Clearly, the British would not leave such an opportunity intact. Continuing to drive a wedge between the Russian-Austrian Alliance had become one of the UK Foreign Office’s most critical agenda items.

Prime Minister John Russell said with a faint smile, “It seems that peaceful means have failed, so now the test of strength is upon us.

The Russians, fighting alone, are not so fearsome. If we can drag the war into next year, then the Tsarist Government’s purse may well be in trouble again, right?”

John Russell was in very good spirits, and if possible, he would not mind awarding a medal to Russian capitalists and bureaucrats, the highest grade no less.

According to their plan, they had assumed that it would be the Austrians causing the deterioration of Russian-Austrian relations. After all, with Russia engaged in war on all fronts, how could they possibly neglect bilateral relations?

It didn’t matter who caused the issue first; the end result was the same. The current changes directly raised the war costs for the Russians.

War is a beast that devours gold, and money is indeed hard to hold onto. No matter how rich the Tsarist Government may seem, they cannot withstand the insatiable greed of the bureaucratic group, who could quickly squander any wealth.

This is a common trait of the old empires – whether it is the UK, France, Russia, Austria, Spain, the Dutch, Portugal – which of them is not a Corrupted Empire?

However, the Tsarist Government was more intense, as the chaotic system provided fertile ground for corruption to flourish, while the UK, France, and Austria had systems that could suppress corruption to some extent.

Even Franz could not completely solve the problem of corruption, resorting to an irregular policy of culling, with a major anti-corruption crackdown every three to five years to deter the bureaucratic group by making an example of some.

The advantage of doing so was that it made bureaucrats smarter, teaching them what money not to touch and to refrain from overt greed.

At this stage, that was the height of what could be achieved in that era. It was impossible to eradicate corruption altogether.

The natural outcome was that, of controlled ten dollars, about seven or eight would actually be spent effectively; of unrestrained ten dollars, if four or five ended up used properly, it was no small feat.

After some deliberation, Finance Minister Agawar replied, “It won’t be that soon, the Tsarist Government is still finding ways to raise funds, it’s not as though they’re completely idle.

Of course, if that fire within their country ignites, then the Tsarist Government’s purse will indeed run dry.

At that point, the Tsarist Government would likely declare bankruptcy, default on all its debts, and the Russian-Austrian Alliance would probably be close to breaking as well.”

The actual situation is even more grave, as due to the war, there is a significant outflow of gold and silver from the Russian Empire each year, a rate of loss far exceeding the pace of replenishment from mining.

The Tsarist Government reduced imports from Austria due also to a “cash shortage” factor, after all, this was a cash transaction, and they were paying in hard currency.

A single transaction, when converted to silver, amounted to at least several million taels, and often more than ten million taels. Even the largest of fortunes couldn’t withstand such squandering.

This is also why the loans between Russia and Austria surged dramatically. The Tsarist Government couldn’t come up with enough cash in the short term and had to secure loans with physical collateral to pay for the goods.

This type of collateral had to be based on a stable Russian Empire; if a civil war broke out, much of the collateral would instantly plummet in value.

Currently, the Tsarist Government holds a large amount of real estate, such as: port docks, mines, farms, timber, city shops, residences…

These properties are still good collateral, generating a portion of revenue each year. Once civil war breaks out, these would become worthless.

…

In Moscow, Matetorski did not rush to instigate the uprising. With so many international friends involved in this rebellion, exchanging experiences with experts in revolt was only natural.

After specialized training, Matetorski evolved. To garner more support for the revolution, he was now instigating worker strikes and organizing peasant tax resistances.

War caused prices to surge while wages stagnated. Overtime increased, and everyone strove hard only to find that the day’s earnings couldn’t even feed a family, turning such hope into delusion.

Throughout the year of 1866, the Russian Empire witnessed 76 minor and major strike incidents. Without doubt, these unorganized resistances were futile and all suppressed.

The peasants weren’t faring any better with their exorbitant war taxes already hard to bear.

Even though the actual war taxes of the Tsarist Government weren’t high, incidents of over-collection by three or five dou were beyond even Alexander II’s ability to prevent.

A young man spoke in a low voice, “Sir, the Prussians are urging again. They want us to find a way to cut off the railway to Moscow, severing the Tsarist army’s supply line.”

Russia had few railways, and Moscow just happened to have one. Cutting off this railway would make it much more difficult for the grain from the Volga River Basin and industrial products produced in Moscow to reach the front line.

In actuality, the strategic position of the Volga River was even more significant. As Russia’s mother river, it could connect Moscow and St. Petersburg by waterway. However, when frozen in winter, it was of no use.

After pondering for a moment, Matetorski furrowed his brow and responded, “Tell them not to worry, we will fulfill our promise!”

Clearly, he did not wish to cooperate with the Prussians. If there was a choice, Matetorski would not have bargained away Russia’s interests.

The geographical location of Moscow was extremely important, not only as Russia’s second-largest industrial base but also as a crucial thoroughfare connecting east and west, and one of the most important grain-producing regions in the Empire.

Now, the three main grain-producing areas of the Russian Empire were the Polish Region, the area surrounding Moscow (including the Volga River Basin), and the Ukraine Region, with other regions still undeveloped.

Poland was already a lost cause; if the areas around Moscow were also plunged into chaos, the Tsarist Government would only have Ukraine left.

Therefore, a shortage of grain would become a major problem for the Tsarist Government, an unsolvable one at that. When the time came, it wouldn’t just be the soldiers at the front going hungry, but St. Petersburg would not hold out for long either.

The Prussians sent them to the Moscow area intending to cut off the Russians’ logistical support, thereby weakening the Tsarist government’s war potential.

Without domestic replenishment and relying on imports from abroad, setting aside whether the Tsarist Government’s wallet could sustain the cost, their transport capacity simply could not meet the demand.

Matetorski did not want to be a puppet; his intention was to overturn the rule of the Tsarist Government and establish a free country.

Upon arriving in the Moscow area, he deliberately distanced himself from the Prussians, claiming it was for the sake of secrecy when in fact he did not wish to cede territory.

However, he could not do without the support of the Prussians, and even less without the backing of the British behind the scenes. He had no choice but to behave as if he were deeply grateful.

In that era, Russia’s industries were not yet developed, and the number of workers was not substantial. Overturning the rule of the Tsarist Government was far from possible.

To compensate for the lack of strength, Matetorski set his sights on the numerous peasants. Alexander II emancipated the serfs and won everyone’s support, presenting the greatest challenge for the uprising.

“Clearing the Emperor’s Side” was a slogan generously sponsored by an international friend. The purpose was obviously to attract more people to the uprising since the Tsar had a good reputation among the people and a direct rebellion would not be accepted.

This contradicted Matetorski’s ideals. Due to European cultural traditions, flying this flag meant that even if the government was overthrown, the Tsar would still be the Tsar, and at most, a constitutional monarchy could be used to impose some constraints.

Nicholas I reclaimed Constantinople and left Alexander II with a sufficient political legacy. Alexander himself announced the abolition of serfdom and secured the support of tens of millions of newly freed Russian peasants.

Matetorski seriously doubted that even if the current government was overthrown, Alexander II could still hold considerable power.

While “Clearing the Emperor’s Side” was an appealing slogan, it placed him under the Tsar. Once the monarchy-subject hierarchy was established, he would naturally be at a political disadvantage.

Yet, this slogan gained the support of numerous international friends. The reason was self-evident, as all were monarchies and naturally upheld this system.

“Ah!”

He sighed deeply and resignedly chose to compromise. The Revolutionary Party was no longer a monolith, with various factions already established; he as a leader could not reign with absolute authority.

The bourgeois class supporting them just wanted to take control through the revolution, without any intention of toppling the Tsar.

Most members within the Revolutionary Party were in favor of retaining the Tsar. Without the Tsar, how could they overturn their fates to become nobility?

Do not expect their ideological consciousness to be high. Most revolutionaries rebelled due to dissatisfaction with their reality and not from any noble ideal of liberating humanity.

Matetorski could not go against the will of the people; otherwise, it would only take one meeting to replace the leader, perhaps following three or five days of arguments.

On December 12, 1866, under the leadership of Matetorski, many alliances of the Russian Revolutionary Party launched the December 12 uprising in Moscow.

The rebel army used “Clearing the Emperor’s Side” as their political manifesto, calling on all Russian people to rise up, execute the corrupt officials, and return governance to the Tsar.