Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 420

Chapter 420: Chapter 107, The Well-Planned Destiny
 

Prussia now holds the upper hand on the battlefield, and at the strong request of the Berlin Government, the negotiations were set in London.

Initially, they wanted to hold it in Berlin, but the Russians did not agree, and the Tsarist Government still wanted to save some face.

The Russians were still not convinced. They insisted on having the negotiation venue in a neutral country to prove that they had not lost the war.

This was a self-deception but also involved political maneuvering. The alternative negotiation venues were Vienna and London, and now that the venue was set in London, it meant that in this round of political maneuvers, the Tsarist Government was at a disadvantage.

With a “bang”, Foreign Minister Clarence Ivanov of the Russian Empire threw a cup of coffee out, splashing it all over the floor.

Since the defeat at the front, he had been visiting various countries in Europe seeking diplomatic support, but the results were very touching. The good reputation of the Russian Empire directly made most European countries take a stand against them.

Originally, they planned to negotiate separately with each warring nation, using diplomatic means to defeat them one by one, but now with the British intervening, everyone was summoned to London, and an anti-Russian alliance appeared.

The Prussians took on the role of the leader of the alliance, with the British coordinating all parties’ interests, forming a joint delegation to negotiate with the Russians.

“Send a telegram to explain the situation to the domestic government, and ask them to make a decision as soon as possible.”

Clarence Ivanov, politically astute, didn’t ask for instructions from Alexander II, but instead had the government make a decision.

This meant that the upper echelons of the Tsarist Government were to take the blame for this war failure, and Alexander II was thereby removed from the equation.

There was no talk of a scapegoat. The war failure was originally the fault of the bureaucratic clique, especially in logistics, and a post-war reckoning was inevitable.

The senior government officials could not shirk responsibility either; many would be implicated and dismissed from their positions. Including Clarence Ivanov himself, who would have to retire after the war.

To retire in peace, they first had to preserve the power of the Tsarist Government. The rebel army’s slogan was “Clearing The Emperor’s Side, Executing The Corrupt Ministers.” They were considered those corrupt ministers, and if the rebel army took power, they would be doomed.

All were from the Nobility, and a temporary political defeat was not a problem; they could rise again after some years. If all else failed, there was always the next generation: preserving the Tsar was to protect their own interests.

…

In the Vienna Palace, Franz asked with concern, “Have we figured out the British’s purpose?”

With every major warring nation gathered in London, diplomatic influence gradually tilted toward the British, and the stance of the London Government was crucial to these negotiations.

To some extent, the British were also seizing the interests of Austria. If they negotiated separately, negotiations for the Prusso-Russian War and the Russo-Ottoman War would have to get Vienna’s approval first.

Now with bundled negotiations, Austria had limited influence in Central Asia and the Far East, and its diplomatic voice was diminished.

Missing this opportunity to expand diplomatic influence didn’t worry Franz; it wasn’t time to emerge yet, and increasing international influence prematurely might not be a good thing.

But understanding the British plan was still very important. Being led by the nose was not something Franz wished to see.

The Russians, Prussians, and Ottomans, Franz had already planned their paths, but now they were suddenly interrupted by the British, making the future direction uncertain again.

The advantage of being politically prescient had worn out, and now Franz could only rely on his own strength for political gaming.

Foreign Minister Wessenberg replied, “The London Government wants to completely cut off the threat from the Russians. Our preliminary judgment is that they will likely do four things:

First, make the Central Asian region independent to relieve threats to the Indian region.

Second, support the Kingdom of Prussia’s annexation of the Baltic region, enhancing the power of this pawn so that they have the ability to protect themselves.

Third, represent Poland as an independent nation, causing us trouble.

Fourth, cut off the Russian’s route of expansion into the Far Eastern region, ensuring their dominant position in the East.”

Out of these four points, only the independence of Poland was troublesome for Austria, but the rest were within Franz’s acceptable range. Austria’s assimilation work had been carried out for many years, and Polish independence would have some impact but was within controllable limits.

If any issues arose, there was always the option of collective deportation. Franz had done this before; without the people, the problem disappeared.

The challenging part was that, given Poland’s propensity for self-destructive behaviors, it probably wouldn’t take long before they presented territorial demands to Austria.

During the Provisional Government era, there had already been such calls, but they had temporarily suppressed the idea because they were busy waging war with the Russians.

After pondering for a moment, Franz made a decision. The independence of Poland was unstoppable and not worth interfering with.

Proclaiming slogans didn’t matter, as Franz would ignore them anyway. If he lost patience, he would directly resolve the conflict with force.

A military clash was unlikely in the short term; the disparity in strength between the two parties was severe. The Polish Provisional Government inherited a mess and didn’t have the guts to challenge Austria.

The future was uncertain; once they resolved their internal issues and if someone incited them from behind, they might well commit folly.

“If it’s just these, we can accept by default. Prussia and Poland can take more territory; the more they grab now, the stronger the Tsarist Government’s desire for revenge will be when the war ends.

With the war’s end, the Prusso-Polish conflict should arise; let’s add fuel to the fire. The Lithuanian Region was once part of Greater Poland; let the Polish nationalists dispute it with Prussia.”

International conflicts come this way; I bury a nail of conflict, you bury a nail of conflict, and in the end, with nails everywhere, international disputes arise.

Leaving hidden conflicts for Russia, Prussia, and Poland now, in the future, a little instigation could turn the three countries into mortal enemies.

The mutual struggle between the three powers stabilized Austria’s northern border, and regardless of international changes, Franz could always find at least one ally.

The only pity was that the Ottoman Empire did not perform energetically this time, failing to complete the script designed for them; otherwise, Franz could have been crowned in the Holy Land.

Franz was not short of a crown, but the religious significance of Jerusalem was different! Recapturing it would have made Franz a saint in the Christian world, which would have brought immense prestige.

Now, with the Ottoman Empire’s strength still intact, Franz naturally would not make a move. Jerusalem could not enhance national power, and spending billions on military expenses for a mere title was too great a cost.

One must also consider the international repercussions, with a misstep possibly resulting in others reaping the rewards, a total loss.

For instance, in this Prusso-Russian War, the biggest victor was the British. They not only suppressed their rival, the Russian Empire, addressing the land threat to India, but also supported several new pawns.

The Nordic Federation soon to be established, Poland, and several khanates in the Central Asian region, were all chess pieces created by the British.

And the price they paid was just the repayment of loans. Simply put, Prussians fought a war for the British at their own military expense.

Because of the debt, the financial fortunes of the Kingdom of Prussia would inevitably fall under British control. If handled correctly, it would be difficult for Prussia to escape British influence.

The war’s harvest gave Prussia the appearance of a path to great power. However, this path was still fraught with hardship, necessitating the cooperation of Prusso-Poland and the German Federation.

This was comparable in difficulty to Prussia’s historical unification of Lesser Germany.

Yet, it was not entirely impossible, at least the Russians were crippled for now, lacking the strength to interfere for the next decade or two without needing to appease them.

As for France and Austria, like in the original timeline, it was impossible to solve the problem without a battle. Neither Vienna nor Paris would watch a strong Prussia rise.

Prime Minister Felix spoke up, “Your Majesty, we need to force the recovery of the Silesia area now.

After this war, the Kingdom of Prussia’s power will inevitably grow. To prevent a strong Prussia from emerging, we must intervene.

If possible, it would be best to reclaim the Prussian Saxon area too, to weaken Prussia’s strength.”

This was indeed a solution. By taking Silesia and the Prussian Saxon area from Prussian hands, the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies that the Prussians had acquired would be rendered negligible.

This was only on the surface. If viewed in terms of resources and industrial development potential, the value of these areas far exceeded that of the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies.

Thus, the only gain left for Prussia would be the Baltic region. After factoring in the losses from the war, their actual benefits were virtually null.

The Baltic region was not small, and its resources were adequate, but it lacked a dominant ethnic group. Unless the Berlin Government opts for diversification, assimilation would be a challenge.

Without addressing this issue, the increase in Prussia’s power would be empty. Austria’s intervention now would be akin to removing the last piece under the pot.

Franz thought for a moment and said, “Achieving this will not be easy; Berlin will not compromise easily. With the current international situation, we cannot easily resort to direct military force.

Relying solely on diplomatic efforts to make Prussia concede is almost an impossibility.”

This was true, the Berlin Government was not a **** government, not so weak that it would agree to cede territory on demand.

Using military force would damage Austria’s international image and cause alarm among European nations, leaving Austria isolated diplomatically.

That’s why from the start, Franz had not planned to recover Silesia, let alone the Prussian Saxon area.

Others may dread a strengthened Prussian kingdom, but Franz did not fear it. Gathering strength takes time, and without question, he would not give Prussia that much time.

Franz always believed the best way to defeat an enemy was not to declare war directly, but to keep applying pressure and force the opponent into mistakes under the strain.

Prussia’s gamble on this war was a manifestation of being unable to withstand the pressure. They chose to break the stalemate through a gamble, taking the first step. How far off was the second?

Once the enemy made a mistake, the cost of intervention would be much less. Without Prussia, what excuse could Franz find to strike at the German Federation?

Bear in mind that the German Federation was too content, and most sub-states had good relations with Austria, leaving no chances for Franz to resolve issues by force.

Internal problems were much harder to fix than external ones; the Emperor still needed the people’s support. This included Prussia—if unable to win the hearts of the people, then it was better not to bother.

Franz did not wish to create a group of rebels keen on disruption. History had taught him that any emperor who overlooked public sentiment ultimately paid a heavy price.

Minister Felix replied, “Indeed, it won’t be easy, but we still need to try. Even if we cannot recover it in the end, we must show the public our determination to reclaim our homeland.”

This “public” clearly referred to more than just citizens and also included the Saxon government. Since the outbreak of the Prusso-Russian War, the Kingdom of Saxon had been striving to recover the Prussian Saxony area, and the Vienna Government also had to consider the will of the Saxon people.

Beyond Saxony, many Austrians still longed for Silesia, including many in the Vienna Palace, who advocated for its recovery.

Their initial approach was to covertly support the Russians, hoping to reclaim these areas through Russian hands. With the Tsarist Government’s defeat, this plan collapsed.

Now, they started lobbying the Vienna Government, evidently influencing Prime Minister Felix, or perhaps he himself was a supporter of recovering Silesia.

Although hopes were slim, he still wanted to give it a try. If he failed, at worst the Foreign Ministry would have been busy for nothing; the show itself would not be a loss. If successful, it would be a windfall.

Having clarified the reasons, Franz nodded, signaling his agreement.