Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 423

Chapter 423: Chapter 110: A Kind Reminder
 

On April 22, 1867, the London Peace Conference convened. Representatives from over twenty countries around the world gathered in London to discuss this unusual global conflict.

This was the most expansive war since the anti-French wars, involving the greatest number of countries and covering the broadest areas.

Undoubtedly, it was also the war with the heaviest casualties and the greatest economic losses, with total military strength losses exceeding two million and the total economic losses surpassing two billion Divine Shields.

(Equivalent to one billion pounds, or 7322.38 tons of gold.)

Leaving aside other factors, just considering the human casualties and economic losses was enough to collectively silence the nations. Many countries did not even have populations over two million, and their entire national value did not amount to 20 billion Divine Shields.

The Russians suffered the greatest losses. Not only were their military losses heavy, but their domestic economy was severely damaged, and they lost cities and territories, fumbling the hard-won position of world hegemony.

If they could do it over, the Russians would certainly not rush in so recklessly.

At the Paris Conference, the Two Principalities of Schleswig and Holstein were awarded to Denmark. The invasion of Denmark by Prussia faced opposition from many European nations, who could have resolved the issue through more indirect means.

Of course, indirect diplomatic maneuvers are not the Russians’ strong suit, and they don’t seem impressive enough, failing to showcase their dominion over Europe.

It was unimaginable that the war, which was supposed to establish their prestige, ended up burying the hegemony of the Russian Empire, leaving a great empire on its last breath.

The negotiations immediately descended into nonsense, with the Russian Delegation engaging in verbal jousts. Aside from Danish support, they found themselves directly besieged.

This was the disadvantage of having too many enemies. If Poland were also considered a country, the Russians would be facing an eight-nation Allied Forces. (Kingdom of Prussia, Ottoman Empire, Four Central Asian countries, Poland, **** Empire)

The quibbling among the warring nations ascended to a spectacle for the representatives of other countries. If everyone were to join in, the situation for the Russians would be even more tragic.

The diplomatic maneuvers of the Prussians were effective, and they won the understanding of most European nations. They provided a wealth of evidence against the Russians, obviously well-prepared.

After the first day’s conference, Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs Clarence Ivanov immediately knew things had gone awry and met secretly with the Austrian delegate Wessenberg that very night.

Clarence Ivanov did not beat around the bush, and laid it out plainly, “Count, we need your country’s help now!”

After a moment of silence, the Austrian Foreign Minister Wessenberg finally spoke, “We are allies, and mutual assistance is to be expected. What kind of help do you need, Your Grace?”

The Russian’s intent was crystal clear to him, but he had to feign ignorance to gain a more favorable position and re-establish dominance within the Russian-Austrian Alliance.

Clarence Ivanov had not considered such nuances. With the shift of control over Europe’s hegemony a foregone conclusion, whether it fell into French or Austrian hands, it no longer had anything to do with them.

The dominance within the Russian-Austrian Alliance was no longer as important to the Russians now bereft of European hegemony.

“The current diplomatic situation is extremely unfavorable for us. I hope your country can exert its influence to reverse this situation!”

They had fallen into a one-sided condition, completely unexpected by the Tsarist Government. In their plans, most European nations were supposed to maintain a neutral stance, rather than stand directly against Russia.

The Russians had not had time to adjust their mindset and still saw themselves in the role of European overlords.

In the time of the Russian Empire’s European dominion, even when nations were very dissatisfied, few dared to express it openly; neutrality was the stance of minor countries.

Now it was different. The Russian Empire, not only devastated in the war but also embroiled in civil unrest, had seen its global status significantly reduced, no longer intimidating to the European countries.

Those that were aggrieved in the past now erupted. Prior to this, the Tsarist Government had also conducted diplomatic relations, and the outcome showed they helped more than they hindered. Far from rallying allies, they had pushed some countries to the opposition.

In such a situation, they had to seek Austria’s support. Since the Vienna Conference of 1815, Austria had held an important position in European politics and diplomacy.

The establishment of the Vienna System twice was the zenith of Metternich’s diplomacy. Continuing to the present day, Austria’s influence in European politics and diplomacy remained among the top.

This political-diplomatic influence was also one of the reasons Franz had always been cautious with his public image.

To ordinary observers, such political-diplomatic influence may seem pointless, but it ensured Austria did not fall into isolation, warding off the crisis of facing a hostile world.

The Russians now understood the consequences of isolation—being targeted by all nations implied that they would be put in a disadvantageous position during the negotiations, needing to make greater concessions to end the war.

Wessenberg shook his head and said, “Your Grace, you overestimate our influence. The current situation could not have come about without the push from England and France. You don’t believe that Austria can oppose the combined influence of these two countries, do you?”

Such troubles could not be helped, and if assistance were indeed given, it would lead to endless troubles. To alter the diplomatic stance of nations, a price had to be paid. Without sufficient benefits, why would Austria incur such a cost?

Clarence Ivanov’s expression darkened; he knew it was not that simple. If Austria were willing to step in, the minor countries would become neutral again.

Claims of influence being no match for England and France’s union were nonsense. In reality, in matters not affecting their interests, these minor countries were like grass on a wall, swaying with the wind.

During the Vienna System era, Austria had expelled the British out of Europe, suppressed France in Western Europe, and restrained the Russians in Eastern Europe, all achieved through diplomatic strategies of uniting and dividing.

When annexing the South German Region triggered panic among European countries, had they not quickly overcome the crisis as well?

“Count, we will not let you help us for nothing.”

Having finished speaking, Clarence-Ivanov presented a cheque from the Royal Bank with the amount left blank, allowing Wessenberg to fill it in himself.

Upon receiving the cheque, Wessenberg couldn’t help but smile wryly. Was he that kind of person? Bribery was not in fashion in Austria, and if he accepted it today, he’d have to retire and go home tomorrow.

In those days, there were no poor ministers in Austria. Franz was quite generous; every one of them possessed a share in the colonies, with properties starting from thousands of hectares of arable land.

These lands required personal management, which many rich magnates would disdain, but the attached noble titles instantly amplified their value.

No one would complain about having too many noble titles, especially those with attached lands. It didn’t matter if they were far in the colonies, they would eventually become localized anyway.

In order to leave more for his descendants, Wessenberg pushed the check back, saying, “I’m sorry, Your Grace, but I dare not accept this money.

To change the stance of various countries, there must be a price to pay; it certainly cannot be resolved with just a few words.

If you wish to extricate yourselves from the current dilemma, you might start with Sweden-Norway. The Nordic Federation is forming, and at this time, they must consider the feelings of the Danish people.

Then, win over the German Federation by exaggerating the Prussian threat. For the Kingdom of Prussia to become a true great power, annexation is their only option.

Convincing Belgium is not difficult either. The French pose a great threat to them, and they will need your help, at least to remain neutral.

Spain, Portugal, and your country have no conflicts of interest; I believe you have the ability to persuade them to remain neutral.”

Wessenberg provided solutions. Whether they could accomplish them depended on the capabilities of the Tsarist Government. If countries without conflicts of interest couldn’t be convinced to stay neutral, what was the point of diplomacy?

This was the confidence of the great powers. No matter how Russia declined, they were still one of the four major powers in Europe, far superior to Prussia and Spain in overall national strength.

After hearing the suggestion, Clarence-Ivanov felt somewhat embarrassed. These should be standard tactics, yet they had botched them before and now had to make amends.

Without a doubt, in addition to the “attitude” of the diplomats causing “trouble,” choosing the wrong starting point in lobbying was also an important factor.

This wasn’t the fault of one person alone. For the Russians to solve problems through diplomatic means, they had to wait until the time of Alexander III. Before that, they were accustomed to using force for everything.

Against such a backdrop, it was normal for diplomats to be unqualified. Being merely satisfactory was already considered elite.

After a pause, Clarence-Ivanov still handed the cheque over, very politely saying, “Thank you, Earl! You have gained the friendship of the Russian Empire.”

Though he had not accomplished his task, since the other party had offered advice, the money still had to be given.

This game of money was a rule that prevailed amongst the bureaucrat groups within the Tsarist Government; Clarence-Ivanov was well-accustomed to it.

In fact, during this era, the foreign departments of various nations were also hotbeds of corruption, and getting rich while stationed abroad was far too easy.

While he was in office, Wessenberg had also accepted gifts, but as he climbed the ranks, he gradually become more cautious about his reputation, fearing his rivals would catch him in a transgression.

Now that he didn’t need to get things done, the money was no longer so burning hot in his hands.

In consideration of the money, Wessenberg added, “Your Grace, the difficulty in this negotiation lies in the Eastern European region. This is the heart of your country. Personally, I suggest dealing with the troubles in the Far East, Near East, and Central Asia first.

In the Near East, the Ottoman Empire has not achieved results on the battlefield, so it wouldn’t cost much to dispatch them; I don’t know much about the Far East, but considering the distance, it probably doesn’t hold much value.

You’ve already nearly lost everything in Central Asia, so it might as well be abandoned. As long as the core interests are protected, the rest are not worth mentioning.

From a long-term developmental standpoint, I don’t see the issue in Eastern Europe as a big deal. With your country’s strength, what is lost now can be regained later.

England and France are constantly making minor moves. If the negotiations drag on too long, unexpected problems can easily arise. As far as I know, the Kingdom of Prussia is still expanding their military, and they could likely start a war again.”

Urging the Russians to complete the negotiations promptly and end this war was indeed with good intentions; after all, if protracted further, a new outbreak of war wouldn’t be surprising.

As the European tradition goes, if benefits can’t be secured at the negotiating table, then they must be pursued on the battlefield. Under the current circumstances, as long as the Russian Empire dares to fight, the frontline troops dare to lose.

At least on the Eastern European battlefield, there is no hope at all. With logistic supplies unable to be guaranteed, the war simply can’t be fought.

Casually setting a trap to encourage the Russians to fight back in the future was part of fulfilling the duties of an Austrian Foreign Minister.

After listening to Wessenberg’s explanation, Clarence-Ivanov’s mood became much heavier.

Losing other regions was not an issue; the Russians could afford it, but Eastern Europe was the core of the Russian Empire.

The lands lost now must be reclaimed in the future. The bear holds grudges, and Prussia has replaced the Ottoman Empire as their number one enemy.

Once the Tsarist Government catches its breath, they’ll seek revenge. They’ll get up where they fell, for Russians are not lacking in tenacity.

Wessenberg’s well-intentioned warning only served to deepen the impression, ensuring the Russians would never forget this grudge.